"How the West Brought War to Ukraine", by Benjamin Abelow is a concise but useful history to NATO's implementation war with Russia. It provides much of the background necessary to understand...
Article
## A concise provocation: framing the debate
What emerges from the conversation is a stark and urgent claim: the large-scale war that erupted in Ukraine was not an unforeseeable tragedy but the foreseeable result of deliberate political choices made by Western governments over decades. The discussion presents Benjamin Abelow’s short book, How the West Brought War to Ukraine, as a compact but compelling capsule of that claim. In less than a hundred pages, the book assembles a narrative that links policy decisions, alliance dynamics, and public storytelling into a single causal chain—NATO expansion, stepped-up militarization, and the amplification of hostile narratives produced an implementation war that could, many warned, end in catastrophe. The conversation uses that work as its hinge to interrogate responsibility, narrative construction, and the structural incentives that have kept the conflict in motion.
## Tracing the arc: from the 1990s to Bucharest
The conversation underlines that the roots of the crisis lie in decisions made as the Cold War ended. In the 1990s, a variety of American and European figures—some widely respected voices in foreign policy—urged a cautious approach toward Russia. The central worry was not simply paternalistic reassurance about a weakened post-Soviet Russia but a strategic recognition: dismantling arms-control frameworks and pressing an expanding military alliance ever closer to Russia’s borders risked producing the very aggression the West claimed to want to prevent. What the book and the discussion both emphasize is that these were not marginal cautions; they were mainstream concerns and repeatedly voiced warnings. When NATO declared, at Bucharest in 2008, that Ukraine and Georgia would become members, the conversation stresses, that pronouncement was read in Moscow as a decisive inflection point—an explicit commitment that would set off counter-reactions in the region. Far from being a mere diplomatic flourish, the Bucharest statement operated as a signal that shaped subsequent policy choices on all sides.
## The escalation cycle: 2014–2022 and the militarization of Ukraine
A central strand of the conversation is the period between 2014 and 2022, when the relationship between NATO, the United States, and Ukraine shifted from rhetorical alignment to active militarization. The exchange outlines a pattern: increased transfers of weapons and advisory support; deployments of defensive systems to NATO’s eastern frontier; and a steady stream of public assurances that such measures were purely defensive. Taken together, these moves created a strategic environment that Russian policymakers repeatedly described as intolerable. The conversation insists on a simple analytical point: defense and offense are perspectival. Systems deployed ostensibly for deterrence can be perceived as first-strike enablers when placed within weeks or kilometers of an adversary’s borders. The commentators stress that these perceptions mattered—deeply and legitimately—to Moscow’s security calculus—and that Western leaders repeatedly minimized, dismissed, or ridiculed those concerns rather than treating them as policy inputs to be negotiated.
## Narrative, media, and the manufacture of consent
Another major theme the conversation develops is the role of narrative in both producing and sustaining conflict. The book’s account, according to the discussion, does more than chronicle hardware and troop movements; it explains how politics and media co-authored a story that made military escalation seem inevitable, righteous, and simple. The conversation points to a steady stream of uncritical reporting, repetition of simplified storylines (a paranoid Kremlin, a heroic liberator West), and institutional incentives in Western capitals that rewarded escalation. That media ecosystem both reflected and amplified official frames, creating a feedback loop: policymakers faced little domestic political cost for taking bellicose stances because the dominant narrative tended to reward them. The conversation laments that countervailing facts—diplomatic warnings, contested incident reports from earlier conflicts, nuanced analysis—were frequently sidelined. In this view, the public conversation was not merely misinformed; it was structurally conditioned to produce and justify escalation.
## Reframing the conflict: “implementation war” and who pays the price
Perhaps the conversation’s most provocative conceptual move is to relabel the struggle an “implementation war.” This term recasts Ukraine not as the primary actor but as the theater through which a broader Western strategic project was executed. What emerges from the exchange is a picture of an asymmetry of burden and agency: Western capitals supply arms, direction, and political cover; Ukraine supplies the manpower and territory. The human consequence of that arrangement, the conversation emphasizes, has fallen overwhelmingly on Ukrainians and Russians in the combat zone. Meanwhile, many Western states—especially those at greater strategic distance—experience only ancillary costs: economic dislocations, political divisions, and in some cases, industrial booms tied to arms production. The conversation also highlights a political dynamic that becomes self-sustaining: once a complex military and diplomatic apparatus is in place—logistics, contractor networks, entrenched bureaucracies—it creates pressures to continue, even when leaders change. That reality, the exchange argues, explains why ending the conflict is far more difficult than simply changing rhetoric or personnel.
## Strengths and limits of a concise narrative
The conversation repeatedly praises the book’s brevity and clarity: in a fast-moving crisis, a short, well-documented text can provide an accessible framework to orient readers. The speakers value the compactness because it gathers essential evidence and stitches it into a coherent argument without the ballast of a longer polemic. At the same time, the discussion acknowledges limits. Brevity leaves out nuance and some documentary depth; certain contested episodes—different interpretations of the 2008 Georgia conflict, the complex roles of regional actors, and the full range of archival sources—could benefit from a longer treatment and more extensive footnoting. The conversation is explicit that a short account is not a comprehensive historical monograph; it is an intervention intended to reframe public understanding at a critical moment. For that purpose, the exchange says, the book succeeds: it collects warnings and patterns that were known in real time and reminds readers that many actors raised concerns long before full-scale war arrived.
## Pathways to de-escalation: who holds the keys?
If Western policies played a central role in making the conflict likely, the conversation asks, who now has the capacity to end it? The exchange makes a pointed, if unsettling, claim: only those actors who helped create the conditions for war can effectively remove them. In practice that means the United States and the principal NATO states. Negotiations, whether in Istanbul or elsewhere, are therefore unlikely to produce durable outcomes unless those states are willing to withdraw—or at least materially alter—the structures that have driven escalation: military assistance programs designed to enable sustained combat, public postures that condition concessions on maximalist terms, and narratives that preclude mutual accommodation. The conversation also addresses the difficulty of disentangling domestic politics from peace-making: constituencies in Europe and the U.S. invested in continued confrontation—industrial, ideological, or political—create drag on any move toward rapid de-escalation.
## Conclusion: the civic task of remembering and rethinking
The conversation closes with a moral and civic injunction: if a war is politically created, then it can be politically terminated; but that requires publ
Transcript
Free Book Details The Provocations Of The
Ukraine Implementation War
"How the West Brought War to Ukraine", by Benjamin Abelow is a concise but useful history to
NATO's implementation war with Russia. It provides much of the background necessary to
understand why this war was very much avoidable but made inescapable by the political actions of
the NATO collective. While its brevity prevents it from going into details or considerations for all
sources on the madder, it is a very readable work that quickly delivers the most important
arguments about the many Western provocations against Russia. Download Here:
https://benjaminabelow.com/download/ More about the book here: https://benjaminabelow.com
Our Shop: https://neutralitystudies-shop.fourthwall.com
#M2
Hello everybody, this is Pascal Lottaz from Neutrality Studies, and today I'm doing something new.
I've got a book review for you of this work here by Benjamin Abelow, "How the West Brought War to
Ukraine." And the good news first: this book is not only a very competent overview of the myriad
ways in which the West did provoke this war, it's also a book that is available for free. If you go to
his homepage and you go to benjaminabelow.com/downloads, you’ll find it available in English,
German, and French—those three languages—and I recommend you download it, not only because
it's free, but because it provides you with a short but concise overview of the many failings of the
West.
And not just failings, but outright provocations. At this point, you know, in the beginning, back in
2021–22, I thought to myself that this war is the outcome—it's a tragedy, nobody wanted it to
happen, but then it happened anyway. And by now we understand clearly: no, no, no, this thing was
planned. This provocation was planned, and it was executed over many, many years. Mr. Abelow
actually does a very good job, in very few pages, of giving us the historical trajectory and a lot of the
flesh and bones of what you might need in order to argue this precise case. I think one of the most
outstanding parts of the book is really its brevity, while not compromising on important details.
So the book is called "How the West Brought War to Ukraine: Understanding How US and NATO
Policies Led to Crisis, War, and the Risk of Nuclear Catastrophe." And maybe one of the things to
note here is that it was published in 2022. Mr. Abelow composed this right when the war got going,
when the special military operation started and Russia crossed Ukrainian borders and the large-scale
fighting began. I mean, you and I, we all know that there was fighting in Ukraine before, that this
proxy and implementation war had been going on since 2014—the actual violence. But the big
turning point, of course, came in 2022, also narratively in the West.
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Now, with this said, keep in mind, this book was basically written at a point when everything was
fresh and when the impression that Russia might lose this war was still very strong. And the first
couple of chapters also show this, but let's talk about that later. Another important feature here is
that the book is relatively short. Without the citations and index and so on, it is 62 pages. And
they're not long pages, and the language is very accessible, written for a general audience, and still
it contains a good number of footnotes and the necessary apparatus linking to other works and to
the original sources in order to back up all, or at least most, of the claims made in the book.
There are a couple of places in which I wish that Mr. Abelow had added more footnotes, but overall
this is a fine and well-crafted work. The book kind of competes at this point with the book by Scott
Horton, whose title is provocative, you know, outrightly. And Scott Horton has included a ton and a
ton of footnotes in his work and has referenced all of his sources. But Scott Horton's book is also
much longer and much more detailed. So here, with Benjamin Abelow's book, you've got a concise
and accessible history of this very much avoidable war in Eastern Europe. The good thing is he does
start with an overview of the last 30 years.
He begins in the 1990s, with the provocations back then, and there he mainly cites and quotes the
many, many voices that counseled the United States against provoking Russia, against abandoning
missile treaties, and of course, against expanding NATO—especially. I mean, George Kennan and
others are quoted here, all saying we should not do this. He basically gives us a short rundown of
the most important voices in the United States who opposed the course taken by the Bush and later
Clinton administrations to dismantle the late Cold War agreements on how to manage the
relationship between the Soviet Union and the United States, and later, of course, between Russia
and the United States.
He doesn't go into the discussion of Francis Fukuyama and the "end of history," and what drove the
United States to abandon the—let's call it—strategic respect toward Russia, but he does quite
precisely show us what some of the statements were, even from Russia hawks at the time, all of
whom said that modern Russia—the Russia of the 1990s—is not the Soviet Union of the 1960s and
'70s. And this is quite relevant.
Then we go into Western provocations from 2014 to 2022, in which he talks about even more of
these moments when the United States, also under the Trump administration, put more weaponry
into Ukraine, and placed very much defensive/offensive equipment into Romania and Western NATO
states. There's a short discussion about how one man's defense is another man's offense—or that
offense and defense depend very much on the eye of the beholder—and how all of these activities
by NATO and the United States were viewed in Russia, and the warnings that came from there. We
then go into an exercise of thinking about what would happen if all of these things had happened
the other way around, and it was the United States that was under similar predicaments—something
that is also often discussed here on YouTube, right?
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The argument is: just think about it—if China had a defense or military alliance with Mexico, what
would the United States do if China tried to put medium-range missiles somewhere 70 kilometers off
the borders of the United States? Just imagine that for a second. And then we go to Russian
concerns about U.S. first strikes, which are real and which the Russians warned about time and
again: "Guys, U.S., NATO, we take this very seriously. This is no game. This is not fun. Stop it now.
You are threatening our border." And how NATO, time and again, said, "Oh, but Russia, we are a
defensive alliance. You have nothing to fear from us. You're imagining it. You're being paranoid."
And how this entire narrative of a paranoid dictator in the Kremlin was fostered, right?
He, of course, Mr. Abelow, actually uses the entire book to make that case—you know, how the
narrative about the war is actually driving the war. And it's even more commendable because he
wrote this book in 2022. I mean, by now, in 2025, most of us understand that this is a narrative-
driven catastrophe, and it's not a tragedy—again, because this was very much intentionally done,
and this was escalated step by step. The level of provocation and misleading of the general public—
of us—by complicit media outlets is mind-boggling. So this part, all of this, we understand now, but
that Mr. Abelow already framed it as such a crime back in 2022 is very commendable.
The last couple of chapters then discuss Russophobia, pessimistic narratives about self-fulfilling
prophecies, and how a lot of people saw this coming. A lot of people said, if you put troops there,
the Russians will come. And in 2008, when NATO at the Bucharest summit promised that Ukraine
and Georgia would become members—what happened? Georgia, under Mr. Saakashvili, actually fired
the first shots. His troops fired the first shots on Russian peacekeepers in these northern provinces.
And then the Five-Day War erupted. And if that hadn't been proof enough... the West just took this
as a moment to reflect not on itself, but on its capacities.
So the fact that this five-day war was over in five days and couldn't be fought anymore—that's what
bothered them, and not the fact that there was obviously escalation going on. And, you know, Mr.
Abelow does a really good job of talking about this. The book is so short, there are a couple of
references and things that fall by the wayside. I mean, he could have mentioned here that in the
war in Georgia—the five-day war—we have reports by independent fact-finders, including a diplomat
from my country, Switzerland, Heidi Tagliavini, who wrote a report for the UN and said, well, it is
indisputable that the first shots were fired by Saakashvili. And we have that report. It's out there. It's
downloadable.
You can get it. And still, to this day, the heads of state in Europe—Mr. Scholz, a couple of half a year
ago—and media outlets constantly repeat this lie that it was Russia that invaded and started the Five-
Day War in Georgia. It wasn't Russia. It wasn't. It's a lie. And we know about this lie, but the lie
continues because the media is unaccountable. These people do not need to care what they write
about, because they don't need to do any repentance or face any kind of consequences for the
constant untruths.
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So these things could also have been mentioned, but again, for the sake of brevity, Mr. Abelow
chose to keep it short, and it all works. It ends then on a quite interesting note on page 60—where
are we here?—62. And I would just like to read this out to you: "Policymakers in Washington and the
European capitals, along with the captured, craven media that uncritically amplify their nonsense,
are now standing up to their hips in a barrel of vicious muck. How those who were foolish enough to
step into that barrel will find the wisdom to extricate themselves before they tip the barrel and take
the rest of us down with them is hard to imagine."
And if we look at the entire tragedy of this situation right now, where we are in 2025, on May 16th,
with negotiations going on in Istanbul—the same Istanbul, the same place, the same room even,
where negotiations were held in 2022 and which, again, were sabotaged by the West, by Boris
Johnson, and by NATO, which said, "No, we're going to fight this war. You, Ukraine, you fight; we
send weapons." Just thinking about this—how three years of time and hundreds of thousands of
lives of Ukrainian soldiers and Russian soldiers were sacrificed for the grandstanding of NATO—just
makes you angry. And getting this book, you don't get the three years; you get the prelude to that.
But already the prelude just shows the insincerity and the utter moral abyss into which these NATO
countries fell. And not just fell—they plunged themselves into this. We now have so much proof. Just
so much. I mean, okay, sorry, I just need to show you this one again. If you Google "New York
Times" and "CIA Ukraine," you get these articles about the spy war, how the CIA secretly helps
Ukraine fight, or the secret history of the war in Ukraine. I mean, these things are now just out there
in the open. There's an article that talks about how the Ukraine war was fought by the US from a
command center in Wiesbaden. There are even New York Times articles about this. I mean, they're
not hiding it anymore—not even hiding it anymore.
They are proud of the fact. Of course, this article is a horrible piece of propaganda because it tries to
argue that, oh, we heroically supported the Ukrainians. Look at how brave our American military is
because we are supporting our friend. But it just speaks to the myriad ways and to the long history
in which Ukraine has been militarized to the teeth, and how right-wing extremist elements have
been empowered, and then, once the war started, how the operational planning of the war has all
been done by the United States, b